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back to Afghanistan
History
Located just northwest of the modern day India,
Afghanistan has long served as the northwestern
border and gateway for the Indian civilization.
Various Indian emperors have ruled the region
over the last 3,000 years and its close relations
with the rest of India have been well documented
by historians.
The Hindukush Mountains in the west and Himalayas
in the north and northeast served as the borders
for India; Afghanistan was an integral part of
the Indian kingdoms at various times during its
history.
In the fourth century B.C.E., Taxila and Kandahar
formed important centers of commerce and education
for the empire of Ashoka the Great. In fact, Taxila
was one of the first universities to be founded
in India. In those days, the entire region of
today's Afghanistan and northern Pakistan was
called Gandhar, after which an important stream
of Indian art painting and sculptures has been
named. The area was also an important center for
Buddhism in its early days and several ancient
statues of Buddha and other artifacts of Buddhism
are still found in the region.
The Indian influence continued, though on and
off, until modern times when Sikh kings ruled
large chunks of Afghanistan. In fact, the famous
Panjsher Valley in the northern Afghanistan is
derived from Punjabi and means the Valley of Five
Lions.
Afghanistan also served as the gateway for invasions
into India, especially the invaders from central
and west Asia. In 328 B.C.E., Alexander the Great
entered the territory of present-day Afghanistan
to capture Bactria (present-day Balkh). Invasions
by the Scythians, White Huns and Turks followed
in succeeding centuries. In 642 B.C.E., Arabs
invaded the entire region and introduced Islam.
Arab rule quickly gave way to the Persians, who
controlled the area until the Turkic Ghaznavids?
conquest in 998 C.E. Specifically, Mahmud of Ghazni
(998-1030) consolidated the conquests of his predecessors
and turned Ghazni into a great cultural center,
as well as a base for frequent forays into India.
Following Mahmud's short-lived dynasty, various
princes attempted to rule sections of the country
until the Mongol invasion of 1219. The Mongol
invasion, led by Genghis Khan, resulted in the
destruction of many cities, including Herat, Ghazni
and Balkh, and the despoliation of fertile agricultural
areas.
Following Genghis Khan's death in 1227 C.E.,
a succession of petty chieftains and princes struggled
for supremacy until late in the 14th century,
when one of his descendants, Tamerlane, incorporated
Afghanistan into his vast empire. Babur, a descendant
of Tamerlane and the founder of India's Moghul
Dynasty at the beginning of the 16th century,
made Kabul the capital of an Afghan principality,
bringing Afghanistan back into the Indian orbit,
a state that continued more or less uninterrupted
until late 19th century.
In 1747, after the demise of the Moghul Dynasty,
Ahmad Shah Durrani took charge in Delhi. He is
often called the founder of the modern day Afghanistan.
Throughout his reign, Durrani consolidated chieftainships,
petty principalities and fragmented provinces
into one country. His rule extended from Mashhad
in the west to Kashmir and Delhi in the east,
and from the Amu Darya (Oxus) River in the north
to the Arabian Sea in the south. All of Afghanistan's
rulers, until the 1978 Marxist coup d'etat, were
from Durrani's Pashtun tribal confederation, and
all were members of that tribe's Mohammadzai clan
after 1818.
Conflict between the expanding British and Russian
empires significantly influenced Afghanistan during
the 19th century. British concern over Russian
advances in Central Asia and growing influence
in Persia culminated in the two Anglo-Afghan Wars.
The first (1839-42) resulted not only in the
destruction of a British army, but is remembered
today as an example of the ferocity of Afghan
resistance to foreign rule. The second Anglo-Afghan
War (1878-80) was sparked by Amir Shir Ali's refusal
to accept a British mission in Kabul. This conflict
brought Amir Abdur Rahman to the Afghan throne.
During his reign (1880-1901), the British and
Russians officially established the boundaries
of what would become modern Afghanistan. The British
retained effective control over Kabul?s foreign
affairs.
Afghanistan remained neutral during World War
I, despite German encouragement of anti-British
feelings and Afghan rebellion along the borders
of British India. The Afghan king's policy of
neutrality was not universally popular within
the country, however.
In 1919, members of an anti-British movement
assassinated Habibullah, Abdur Rahman?s son and
successor. His third son, Amanullah, regained
control of Afghanistan's foreign policy after
launching the third Anglo-Afghan War with an attack
on India in the same year. During the ensuing
conflict, the war-weary British relinquished their
control over Afghan foreign affairs by signing
the Treaty of Rawalpindi in August 1919. In commemoration
of this event, Afghans celebrate Aug. 19 as Independence
Day.
King Amanullah (1919-29) moved to end his country's
traditional isolation in the years following the
third Anglo-Afghan War. He established diplomatic
relations with most major countries and, following
a 1927 tour of Europe and Turkey (the latter of
which had seen modernization and secularization
under Ataturk), introduced several reforms intended
to modernize the country.
Some of these reforms, such as the abolition
of the traditional Muslim veil for women and the
opening of a number of co-educational schools,
quickly alienated many tribal and religious leaders.
The weakness of the army under Amanullah further
jeopardized his position. He was forced to abdicate
in January 1929 after Kabul fell to forces led
by Bacha-i-Saqao, a Tajik brigand. Prince Nadir
Khan, a cousin of Amanullah's, in turn defeated
Bacha-i-Saqao in October of the same year. With
considerable Pashtun tribal support, Khan was
declared King Nadir Shah. Four years later, however,
a Kabul student, seeking revenge, assassinated
him.
Mohammad Zahir Shah, Nadir Khan's 19-year-old
son, succeeded to the throne and reigned from
1933 to 1973. In 1964, King Zahir Shah promulgated
a liberal constitution providing for a two-chamber
legislature to which the king appointed one-third
of the deputies. The people elected another third,
and provincial assemblies selected the remainder
indirectly. Although Zahir's experiment in democracy
produced few lasting reforms, it permitted the
growth of unofficial extremist parties of both
left and right. This group included the communist
People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA),
which had close ideological ties to the Soviet
Union.
In 1967, the PDPA split into two major rival
factions: the Khalq (Masses) faction headed by
Nur Muhammad Taraki and supported by the military,
and the Parcham (Banner) faction led by Babrak
Karmal. The split reflected deep ethnic, class
and ideological divisions within Afghan society.
Zahir's cousin, Sardar Mohammad Daoud, served
as his prime minister from 1953 to 1963. During
his tenure as prime minister, Daoud solicited
military and economic assistance from both Washington
and Moscow and introduced controversial social
policies. Daoud's alleged support for the creation
of a Pashtun state in the Pakistan- Afghan border
area heightened tensions with Pakistan and eventually
resulted in Daoud?s dismissal in March 1963.
Amid charges of corruption and malfeasance against
the royal family and poor economic conditions
caused by the severe 1971-72 drought, former Prime
Minister Daoud seized power in a military coup
on July 17, 1973. Daoud abolished the monarchy,
abrogated the 1964 constitution, and declared
Afghanistan a republic with himself as its first
president and prime minister. His attempts to
carry out badly needed economic and social reforms
met with little success, and the new constitution
promulgated in February 1977 failed to quell chronic
political instability.
Seeking to exploit the mounting disaffection
of the populace, the PDPA reunified with Moscow's
support. On April 27-28, 1978, the PDPA initiated
a bloody coup that resulted in the overthrow and
death of Daoud and most of his family. Nur Muhammad
Taraki, secretary general of the PDPA, became
president of the Revolutionary Council and prime
minister of the newly established Democratic Republic
of Afghanistan.
Opposition to the Marxist government emerged
almost immediately. This reaction was largely
due to the fact that the PDPA brutally imposed
a Marxist-style 'reform' program during its first
18 months of rule, which ran counter to deeply
rooted Islamic traditions.
Decrees advocating the abolition of usury (lending
money and charging exorbitant interest rates),
changes in marriage customs, and land reform were
particularly misunderstood and upsetting to highly
conservative villagers. In addition, thousands
of members of the traditional elite, the religious
establishment, and the intelligentsia were imprisoned,
tortured or murdered. Conflicts within the PDPA
also surfaced early and resulted in exiles, purges,
mass imprisonment and executions.
By the summer of 1978, a major revolt in the
Nuristan region of eastern Afghanistan spread
into a countrywide insurgency. In September 1979,
Hafizullah Amin, who had earlier been the prime
minister and minister of defense, seized power
from Taraki after a palace shootout. Over the
next two months, instability plagued Amin's regime
as he moved against perceived enemies in the PDPA.
By December, party morale was crumbling, and the
insurgency was growing.
The Soviet Union moved quickly to take advantage
of the April 1978 coup. In December 1978, Moscow
signed a new bilateral treaty of friendship and
cooperation with Afghanistan, and the Soviet military
assistance program increased significantly. The
regime's survival increasingly was dependent upon
Soviet military equipment and advisers, and over
time, the Afghan army began to collapse.
By October 1979, however, relations between Afghanistan
and the Soviet Union were tense as Hafizullah
Amin refused to take Soviet advice on how to stabilize
and consolidate his government. Faced with a deteriorating
security situation on Dec. 24, 1979, large numbers
of Soviet airborne forces, joining thousands of
Soviet troops already on the ground, began to
land in Kabul under the pretext of a field exercise.
Two days later, these invasion forces killed Hafizullah
Amin and installed Babrak Karmal, exiled leader
of the Parcham faction, as prime minister. Massive
Soviet ground forces invaded from the north on
Dec. 27.
Following the invasion, the Karmal regime, although
backed by an expeditionary force of about 120,000
Soviet troops, was unable to establish authority
outside Kabul. As much as 80 percent of the countryside,
including parts of Herat and Kandahar eluded effective
government control.
An overwhelming majority of Afghans opposed the
communist regime, either actively or passively.
Afghan 'mujahidin' (freedom fighters) made it
almost impossible for the regime to maintain a
system of local government outside major urban
centers. Poorly armed at first, in 1984 the 'mujahidin'
began receiving substantial assistance in the
form of weapons and training from the United States
and other outside powers.
In May 1985, the seven principal Peshawar-based
guerrilla organizations formed an alliance to
coordinate their political and military operations
against the Soviet occupation. Late in 1985, the
?mujahidin? were active in and around Kabul, launching
rocket attacks and assassinating high government
officials. The failure of the Soviet Union to
win over a significant number of Afghan collaborators,
or to rebuild a viable Afghan army, forced it
to bear an increasing responsibility for fighting
the resistance and for civilian administration.
Soviet and popular displeasure with the Karmal
regime led to its demise in May 1986. Muhammad
Najibullah, former chief of the Afghan secret
police (KHAD), replaced Karmal. Najibullah had
established a reputation for brutal efficiency
during his tenure as KHAD chief. As prime minister,
though, Najibullah was ineffective and highly
dependent on Soviet support. Undercut by deep-seated
divisions within the PDPA, the regime's efforts
to broaden its base of support proved futile.
By the mid-1980s, the tenacious Afghan resistance
movement, aided by the United States, Saudi Arabia,
Pakistan and others, was exacting a high price
from the Soviets, both militarily within Afghanistan,
and also by souring the U.S.S.R.'s relations with
much of the Western and Islamic world. Although
informal negotiations for a Soviet withdrawal
from Afghanistan had been underway since 1982,
it was not until 1988 that the governments of
Pakistan and Afghanistan, with the United States
and Soviet Union serving as guarantors, signed
an agreement settling the major differences between
them.
The agreement, known as the Geneva Accords, included
five major documents. The accords called for U.S.
and Soviet non-interference in the internal affairs
of Pakistan and Afghanistan; the right of refugees
to return to Afghanistan without fear of persecution
or harassment; and, most importantly, a timetable
that ensured full Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan
by Feb. 15, 1989. About 14,500 Soviet and an estimated
one million Afghan lives were lost between 1979
and the Soviet withdrawal in 1989.
Significantly, the 'mujahidin' were neither party
to the negotiations, nor to the 1988 agreement,
and consequently, they refused to accept the terms
of the accords. As a result, civil war did not
end with the Soviet withdrawal, which was completed
as scheduled in February 1989. Instead, it escalated.
Najibullah's regime, though failing to win popular
support, territory or international recognition,
was able to remain in power until 1992.
The Soviet-supported Najibullah regime did not
collapse until the defection of Gen. Abdul Rashid
Dostam and his Uzbek militia in March 1992. As
the victorious 'mujahidin' entered Kabul to assume
control over the city and the central government,
a new round of internecine fighting began between
the various militias, which had coexisted only
uneasily during the Soviet occupation. With the
demise of their common enemy, the militias? ethnic,
clan, religious and personality differences surfaced,
and the civil war continued.
Seeking to resolve these differences, the leaders
of the Peshawar-based 'mujahidin' groups agreed
in mid-April of 1992 to establish a 51-member
interim Islamic Jihad Council to assume power
in Kabul. Moderate leader, Professor Sibghatullah
Mojaddedi, was to chair the council for three
months, after which a 10-member leadership council
composed of 'mujahidin' leaders and presided over
by the head of the Jamiat-i-Islami, Professor
Burhanuddin Rabbani, was to be set up for a period
of four months. During this period, a Loya Jirga,
or grand council of Afghan elders, would convene
and designate an interim administration to hold
power for up to a year, pending elections.
In May 1992, however, Rabbani prematurely formed
the leadership council, undermining Mojaddedi's
fragile authority. In June, Mojaddedi surrendered
power to the Leadership Council, which then elected
Rabbani president. Heavy fighting broke out in
August 1992 in Kabul between forces loyal to President
Rabbani and rival factions, particularly those
who supported Gulbuddin Hekmatyar?s Hezb-i-Islami.
After Rabbani convened a highly controversial
council to extend his tenure in December 1992,
fighting in the capital flared up in January and
February 1993. The Islamabad Accord, signed in
March 1993, which appointed Hekmatyar prime minister,
failed to have a lasting effect. A follow-up agreement,
the Jalalabad Accord, called for the militias
to be disarmed but was never fully implemented.
Through 1993, Hekmatyar's Hezb-i-Islami forces,
allied with the Shi?a Hezb-i-Wahdat militia, clashed
intermittently with Rabbani and Masood's Jamiat
forces. Cooperating with Jamiat were militants
of Sayyaf's Ittehad-i-Islami and, periodically,
troops loyal to ethnic Uzbek strongman, Abdul
Rashid Dostam. On Jan. 1, 1994, Dostam switched
sides, precipitating large-scale fighting in Kabul
and in the northern provinces, causing thousands
of civilian casualties in Kabul and elsewhere
and creating a new wave of displaced people and
refugees.
In late 1994, a force called the Taliban, consisting
of primarily Pashtun refugees, came to the fore
in Afghanistan, intending to install an Islamic
government. The group systematically eliminated
all other factions and gradually took control
of many of Afghanistan's provinces.
Initially, many Afghans welcomed the Taliban
as a force to reunite the country. Many opinions
were changed over the course of the year, however,
as harsh punishment (including executions) was
employed to enforce strict conformity to fundamentalist
Islam.
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